In Focus This Week
Director’s Note
Mostly quiet on the judicial front – for now
By Doug Chapin
electionline.org
Because the current era of election reform was born in a courtroom – specifically, the chambers of the United States Supreme Court in December 2000 – many believe that courts are the forum of choice for the various policy battles that emerge in the field.
The reality, however, has not matched conventional wisdom.
Even as high-stakes election dramas play out across the country – from Austin, Texas to Washington, D.C. and everywhere in between – election reform news from the courts has been in short supply. There is some news, however, and it is instructive not only for the substance of the issues involved but also for highlighting the different stages of the litigation process and its impact on any issue.
Courts are very good at resolving disputes but, unlike legislatures or executive agencies, operate with well-developed procedural rules and an insatiable need for evidence as the basis for their work. Moreover, courts have the power to order decision makers at every level of government to act, refrain from acting, and – most importantly – spend money once a dispute has been resolved. They are also creatures of precedent, looking to previous decisions to guide their own deliberations.
This wide-ranging power, when coupled with the incremental pace usually dictated by precedent, makes even the most aggressive court cautious in the exercise of its authority. It is the exception and not the rule that a court would hear and decide a case as quickly as the Supreme Court did in Bush v. Gore.
Settlement. A little-noticed and usually under-appreciated facet of the legal process is settlement negotiations – that winnowing process that thins the ranks of cases that never get to a full trial.
In Ohio, for example, new Secretary of State Jennifer Brunner (D) has inherited a pile of outstanding election issues from her predecessor Kenneth Blackwell (R). A significant component of the unfinished business was a long list of lawsuits for various alleged deficiencies in the state’s election process. Not long after taking office, Brunner (a former judge) announced her intention to settle many of these cases, including a full-on attack on the state’s election administration system. As Ohio State’s Ned Foley observed at the time, resolution of these cases would not only go a long way toward ending some of the disputes that plagued the Buckeye State in 2006 but perhaps also toward heading off some of the expected disputes in another likely high-profile presidential election in 2008.
Appeal. Once an initial judgment is rendered – especially in federal court, where the stakes are national not just local – another key decision is whether or not to appeal.
Such is the decision currently confronting the plaintiffs in the Indiana voter ID case. There, both the trial court and the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the state’s photo ID law. Plaintiffs challenging the law are now weighing whether or not to ask the U.S. Supreme Court to take the case. As Loyola’s Rick Hasen has observed, the Court is likely to take the case if given the opportunity. Whether or not their ruling would be to plaintiffs’ liking – given the evidentiary problems with the original case and the Court’s own signal that it may be sympathetic to arguments about voter fraud (pp.. 3-4) as a basis for voter ID laws – is very much an open question.
Implementation. Occasionally a court will step in and help manage a case itself, poking and prodding the litigants to a desired result.
Such is the case in New Jersey, where a trial judge overseeing the transition of the state to mandated voter-verified paper audit trails (VVPATs) recently endorsed the state’s plan to submit its VVPAT printer technology to review by the New Jersey Institute of Technology. In doing so she resisted calls from activists to order a more sweeping review of the voting machines – or even an outright rejection of them as is underway in Florida.
Election Reform News This Week
- Late last week, Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., and Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., introduced what essentially represents a modified companion bill to H.R. 811 introduced by Rep. Rush Holt, D-N.J. The “Ballot Integrity Act of 2007” (S. 1487) would: require direct recording electronic (DRE) machines to provide VVPATs by the 2010 federal election; impose a moratorium on the purchase of new voting systems that do not provide a paper trail; require random, public audits of electronic tallies through hand counts by 2010; authorize $600 million to retrofit or replace existing DREs and $3 million in grant money to develop verifiable and accessible voting systems; and open voting system software to inspection. At press time, no hearings were scheduled.
- Voters in New York were on their way to the polls when the events of September 11, 2001 unfolded. Six years later questions still remain as to whether or not New Yorkers will once again head to the polls on September 11. According to The Journal News, the state legislature approved moving the election back one week to September 18, however Gov. Eliot Spitzer (D) has yet to sign the legislation. Christine Anderson, a Spitzer spokeswoman, told the paper a decision will be made in a few weeks. The legislative limbo has left some elections officials frustrated. “I wish he’d hurry up and sign it,” Carole Sunderland, commissioner for the Westchester County Board of Elections, told the paper.
- Support continues to grow in Massachusetts to make it the ninth state in the country to offer Election-day registration (EDR). The EDR legislation has the support of both the governor and the secretary of state. “The concept makes good sense. It’s the administrative carrying-out of this concept that’s key,” Secretary of State William Galvin (D) told The Associated Press. Even though the proposed legislation has added protections, those opposed to the legislation cite concerns about vote fraud. “Sometimes fraud is hard to detect,” Rep. Paul K. Frost, R-Auburn said in the article. Currently, voters must register at least 20 days in advance of an election.
- It seems like just about every day Californians are voting for someone or on something. However, not all of those elections are run by the county elections office. In the case of votes in special districts such as vector control and mosquito abatement, some of those elections are conducted by outside contractors. “It’s definitely a big contract and I can understand people saying ‘Isn’t this work the government should do?’ But it really has nothing to do with registered voters. It’s property owners,” John Bliss, a civil engineer at SCI Consulting told the San Francisco Gate. SCI is currently conducting an election of Alameda County property owners for the Vector and Disease Control Assessment proposed by the county’s Vector Control Services District. SCI has conducted such elections in 30 special districts in the past few years. Although having outside contractors conduct some of these special elections can help ease the load in county elections offices, Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation warns of giving too many responsibilities to contractors. “I wouldn’t be surprised if it reflected the trend toward more special districts in general, but whenever you have a private company managing a public election, there needs to be a greater degree of public accountability, especially when it comes to counting votes,” she told the paper.
Opinions This Week
National: Voter ID, Early voting, Holt bill, II, III, Election-day holiday
Arizona: Holt bill
California: Santa Cruz County
Florida: Kurt Browning, New election law, Fair elections platform, Database matching, Early primary
Indiana: Vote Centers
Massachusetts: Election-day registration, II
Michigan: Absentee voting, Polling places, Vote centers
Missouri: Voter fraud
North Dakota: Glitch-free
Ohio: Poll workers
South Dakota: Pool politics
Tennessee: Sevier County Election Commission
Texas: Voter ID, II, III, Felon voting
Utah: Voting machines, Holt bill
Wisconsin: Vote-by-mail
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